Monday, September 30, 2019

The Identification of Bambusa Sp

The identification of Bamboo using various PCR and Sequencing Techniques Abstract Often the incorrect bamboo species is sold to unsuspecting customers at shops. This can have a disastrous effect on their garden. Three separate and unknown Bamboo leaf samples were taken and were required to be distinguished genetically from one another. Using ITS-PCR DNA amplification techniques, the ITS region DNA was amplified and used in PCR-RFLP and RAPD PCR in order to determine the genetic identity of each sample. Sequencing was performed, and results allowed us to distinguish between samples (to a certain extent. ) Introduction Bamboos are a group of woody perennial green plants (Wikipedia et al. 2006) that are found in many parts of the world. There are 91 genera and about 1,000 species of bamboo (Wikipedia et al. 2006). They are found in diverse climates, from cold mountains to hot tropical regions. Bamboo is a highly desirable plant grown for many reasons in plantations and gardens around the world. Many reasons it is grown are that it is a beautiful ornamental plant with unique properties. Bamboo is also an extremely strong plant that is light; it is used in many building applications for floorboards, and is also often used in furniture making. There are a number of taller growing species that are effective at blocking out the eyes of pepping toms and nosy neighbors. There are two main forms of bamboo, each form describing the way in which the bamboo itself spreads. These are known as â€Å"clumping† (monopodial) and â€Å"running† (sympodial) forms. (Wikipedia et al. 2006) Clumping bamboo species tend to spread underground slowly. Running bamboo species are highly variable in their tendency to spread; this is related to both the species and the soil and climate conditions. Some can send out runners several metres a year, while others can stay in the same general area for long periods. If neglected, they can be invasive over time and can cause problems by moving into adjacent areas. The reputation of bamboo as being highly invasive is often exaggerated, and situations where it has taken over large areas is often the result of years of untended or neglected plantings. Many invasive bamboo species are often sold, unsuspectingly to people, who plant them without realizing this. The result of this is the complete takeover of ones garden. Some species of bamboo can grow at a tremendous rate, some at over 36inches (90cm) a day, providing it is provided with ideal conditions (OneEarth, 2006). Plant Biosecurity breaches often occur when bamboo plants are imported with incorrect or false labeling, often in an attempt to bring illegal ornamental species in to the country for indoor use. This ‘black market’ operation is a serious threat to native species of plants, and, if a threatening sympodial bamboo species is imported and planted in place of a monopodial (which is preferred, as they do not spread), serious damage to native forests and grasslands can occur (NGIA, 2006). Some of the techniques that can be used to identify to a species level are PCR-ITS, RAPD, and PCR-RFLP. These will be used to identify our unknown samples of bamboo. Aim To identify, to a species level, using nucleotide analysis and sequencing techniques, three unknown samples of bamboo. Materials For DNA extraction 3 Unknown Bamboo Samples (Leaves) Mortar and Pestle Liquid Nitrogen Quiagen ‘Dneasy’ DNA Extraction Kit Centrifuge tubes Pipettes and Tips Ice and Esky Quantification of DNA Well Combs (10uL) Wells UV Transilluminator Agarose Tris Borate EDTA Ethidium Bromide Loading Dye Centrifuge Tubes Gel Tank (To run agarose gel electrophoresis) Pipettes and Tips For ITS based PCR 5uL of extracted DNA 5x Reaction buffer MilliQ (Ultra Pure Water) DNTP’s (dATP, dGTP, dCTP, dTTP) PCR Machine MgCl2 Centrifuge Tubes Pipettes and Tips For RAPD-PCR ITS-PCR DNA product 5x Reaction buffer MilliQ (Ultra Pure Water) MgCl2 Primers OPM-01 and OPM-17 Wells Well Combs (10uL) UV Transilluminator Agarose Tris Borate EDTA Ethidium Bromide Loading Dye Centrifuge Tubes Gel Tank (To run agarose gel electrophoresis) Pipettes and Tips For ITS-RFLP ITS-PCR DNA product Enzymes Hha1 and Rsa1 Buffer Red (Rsa1) Buffer C (Hha1) MilliQ (Ultra Pure Water) Wells Well Combs (10uL) UV Transilluminator Agarose Tris Borate EDTA Ethidium Bromide Loading Dye Centrifuge Tubes Gel Tank (To run agarose gel electrophoresis) Pipettes and Tips Methods DNA Extraction and Purification – Quiagen Dneasy Kit ITS-RFLP ITS Region is a particular sequence of DNA which is present in all organisms. It is a region, in between each common sequence, contains DNA that is highly conserved and unique amongst a particular species, and is thus not used to translate into proteins. Enzymes are used to restrict or cut the DNA at certain points. The location of the cuts depends on nucleotide sequence that the enzyme recognizes. The number of nucleotides in sequence determines size of the restricted piece of DNA in base pairs (BP). ITS-PCR This is done to amplify the ITS region DNA which is highly conserved and unique to each individual species Primers ITS 1 and ITS 4 are used because the ITS region (18s, 5. 8s and 28s regions) are common in all organisms. The region in between the 18s and 28s is the region that is highly conserved and unique to any given species. Added to Master Mix (containing buffer solution) PCR’d ITS Region DNA is amplified out RAPD RAPD Primers OPM-01 and OPM-17 are added to the ITS-PCR DNA product and where are given a genetic fingerprint of the DNA. HOW, WHEN, WHAT, WHERE, WHO? What was done? Sufficient detail for repetition by others Results (facts only) (2) HOW, WHEN, WHAT, WHERE? What was found? Presentation of results as simply and clearly as possible Figures to present data and concepts clearly and concisely (a picture is worth 1000 words) Types of figures: photographs, drawings, tables, graphs Numerical data as tables or graphs (graphs preferred) Text to point out trends (not repeat information in figures) Discussion (3) WHY, WHAT, WHO? What does it mean? Interpretation of results relative to the hypothesis or aim Comparison with work of others References (6) WHO? List of all references cited in text http://www. bonsai-bci. com/species/bamboo. html Sabrina Caine Last modified accessed 01/06/06 http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Bamboo wikipedia last modified 27/05/06 accessed 01/06/06 http://www. 1earth. com. au/collect/wicker_furniture. html last modified 27/05/06 accessed 01/06/06 1Earth Antiques and Appraisals http://www. ngia. co. nz/news/507bamboo. php Nursing and Garden Industry Association (NGIA) Wellington, New Zealand Accessed 01/06/06 Updated

Sunday, September 29, 2019

Disorders in Adrenal Cortex Hormone Secretion

Addison’s disease or ‘adrenal insufficiency’ is a condition in which the adrenal glands do not produce sufficient amounts of the hormone cortisol (Mayo 2006). This hormone helps to control the blood pressure, cardiovascular activity, immune responses, insulin function, metabolism, etc in the body (NIDDK 2004). In some cases, a hormone that controls the blood pressure and the fluid balance in the body (aldosterone) is also affected (NIDDK 2004). The adrenal glands are present above the kidneys and produce several other hormones required for normal functioning of the body (Mayo 2006).Addison’s disease can occur in both sexes equally and in all age groups, but is more common in the middle-age group (Mayo 2006). The pituitary gland and the hypothalamus (structures present in the skull) control the activity of the adrenal gland by ensuring proper production and release of the cortisol hormone. The hypothalamus produces a hormone CRH (corticotropin-releasing horm one), that stimulates the pituitary to produce the ACTH hormones that further stimulates the adrenal glands to release cortisol (NIDDK 2004).Addison’s disease may develop due to deficient production of cortisol by the adrenal gland (primary insufficiency) or due to decreased stimulation from the pituitary gland (secondary insufficiency) (NIDDK 2004). Primary adrenal insufficiency may develop due to an immune dysfunction. Most of the cases of develop due to the body’s defense mechanism attacking the tissues of the adrenal cortex and resulting in deficient production of the hormone (NIDDK 2004). Primary adrenal insufficiency may also develop in association with ‘Polyendocrine Deficiency Syndrome’, in which several hormonal levels are deficient due to a genetic disorder (NIDDK 2004).Several other causes including tuberculosis, infections, hemorrhage, tumors, spread of tumors, surgery, etc, of the adrenal glands could result in primary insufficiency (Mayo 2006 ). Secondary adrenal insufficiency can develop due to reduced production of ACTH by the pituitary glands or CRH by the hypothalamus (Mayo 2006). The ACTH production stimulates the adrenal glands to produce cortisol, and the CRH hormone encourages the pituitary to release ACTH (NIDDK 2004). The level of ACTH is controlled by a negative feedback mechanism.Tumors that affect the pituitary, surgical removal of the gland, radiotherapy to the head and neck region, reduced supply of blood to the pituitary, etc, could also result in secondary adrenal insufficiency (NIDDK 2004). Pheochromocytoma is a tumor that arises from adrenal glands that result in excessive production of the hormones epinephrine and nor-epinephrine (Mayo 2006). These hormones control the blood pressure, the rate at which the heart beats and several other activities in the body (Nanda 2006).They are required especially in stressful conditions such as fright, flight and fight, emotional stress, etc (Mayo 2006). The tumor develops from the inner portion of the adrenal gland known as ‘adrenal medulla’ (Nanda 2006). Most of the Pheochromocytoma are benign or self-limiting in nature (about 90 %), and only a small proportion is cancerous (10 %) (Nanda 2006). The tumor can occur in both sexes and in all age-groups, but is more common in the middle-age group. The exact cause Pheochromocytoma is still not understood. The tumor usually develops from the chromaffin cells present in the adrenal medulla (Mayo 2006).The tumor generally arises from one of the adrenal glands, and in rare cases it develops from both (about 10 %) (NCI 2005). Pheochromocytoma can also develop from extra-adrenal sites in about 10 to 15 % of all cases (NCI 2005), as the chromaffin cells are present in various tissues of the body (Mayo 2006). Multiple endocrine neoplasia, type II (MEN-II) is a condition in which tumors develop from various endocrine glands present in the body such as the thyroid, the parathyroid, adrenal gl ands, etc, resulting in hormonal imbalances (Mayo 2006).Such patients usually develop bilateral tumors in the adrenal glands (NCI 2005). Pheochromocytoma can exist in Van-Hippel-Lindau Disease that tends to affect several organs in the body. It can also be associated with neurofibromatosis in which tumors develop in various parts including the skin, optic nerve and the bones (Mayo 2006). The other conditions in which Pheochromocytoma can exist include tuberous sclerosis, cerebellar hemangioblastoma, Sturge-Weber’s syndrome, etc (NCI 2005).

Saturday, September 28, 2019

Why comics based movies are more polular than comics themselves Research Paper

Why comics based movies are more polular than comics themselves - Research Paper Example ll of emotions, sound, color, drama, cool guys, mean villains - everything they can never have, and could never experience without such heroic-action movie. An all this majestic set of emotions is accompanied with an attractive picture and impressive sound. Films are really popular. Nevertheless, a lot of bestseller films where based on books, and, particularly, the comic books. There is a great number of movies that gained their popularity seemingly from the scratch - 300 Spartans, Sin City, V is for Vendetta - in a row with films that where based on franchise that already has been famous - Spider Man, Batman, X-Men; also Blade, The League of Extraordinary Gentlemen, Conan, Shadow, The Crow - some people would hardly realize, that all these films were based on a source-book ("Cover Browser"). And this source-book is sometimes much larger and deeper than the film is, and just can’t be forced into three hours of a movie time. Additionally, the Batman franchise is an intense sample of TV and film reusing comic book background. We can likewise see it as a sample of the breakdown of high art and the entrance of popular culture into mass minds - a larger number of individuals know and consider Batman as more important than characters from the books of Dickens , Jane Austen or Dostoevsky (Mann). Bright and specific style of drawing, drama, action, expressive emotions and poses, twisted plots that last for years, minor and major issues, apocalypse or personal grief and joy. Comic books, actually, are much older, than their fans, and, actually, sometimes much too older than modern movie fans. First comic book in America was printed in 1842, and, though this type of art has become really popular in no time-The Brownies: Their Book, printed in 1887 became world-renown, its style was impressively different from the one we are used to nowadays ("Comic Books"). It took really long for comics to take the form we are used to. It is considered, that ‘Popeye† can be called

Friday, September 27, 2019

How useful is the psychological contract in managing staff in the Essay

How useful is the psychological contract in managing staff in the police service - Essay Example Even though the psychological contract was initially identified by Schein, Levinson, and Argyris to delineate the subjective character of employment relationships, the current formulation puts emphasis on the individuals’ ideas in and understanding of a promissory contract. Dissimilar to implicit or formal contracts, the psychological contract is innately affective or perceptual, and hence the interpretation of one individual of the agreement may not be shared by the other (Herriot 2001). Recent progresses in the concept of psychological contract are mostly led by Rousseau. Rousseau claims that the psychological contract is based on promises and, in due course, assumes the form of a psychological paradigm which is reasonably stable and resilient. Rousseau clearly differentiated between perceptions at the individual level and at the relationship level, putting emphasis on her assumption of the personal ideas of individual employees about employment relationship. Significantly, the employee and employer may not have the same perception regarding the premises of the contract, which can encourage thoughts that assurances have been breached, or, as it is more commonly known, the violation of the psychological contract (Rousseau 1996). Psychological contracts, involving assumed responsibilities, should be differentiated from expectations, which are common ideas believed by employees regarding what they will encounter in their employment relationship and the organisation (Calo 2006). For instance, a newly promoted manager could expect to be highly compensated, to be respected, to be fond of his new position, or to see his new office painted with an impartial shade. These expectations originate from a broad array of sources, encompassing personal experience, social standards, observations by significant others, and so on. On the contrary, psychological contracts involve

Thursday, September 26, 2019

Code Of Silence among police officers Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Code Of Silence among police officers - Essay Example Second, members are expected to observe a certain way of life in which they find emotional identity. Third, the tribe needs an enemy. An enemy provides strong motivation, with emotions going deeply to the level of survival, that keep the tribe in existence. A police officer said to me, "Ninety-eight percent of the people in the world are sorry S.O.B.'s and the two percent that are good are cops." He didn't include anyone above the rank of sergeant in the two percent and only about half of them were included. An extreme statement Yes! A unique attitude No! That officer succinctly stated a common conclusion of a prevalent value system in police-the tribal value system. Ethics in law enforcement has become a popular topic in police literature and courses, and I am glad. Ethical behavior by police is important-more, it is crucial. But I am concerned about the approach taken in the articles I have read and the seminars I have attended. The approach has followed a legal model. Authorities make pronouncements about how officers "shall" or "will" behave and what they "shall not" or "will not" do. The language is in the imperative voice with an expectation that officers will follow these ethical imperatives because they have been officially stated. The motivation for following is similar to obeying the law (Morrison 2001). Laws must be obeyed and ethical principles should be heeded, but the two are not the same. The legal model assumes that there is only one system of values, the authority based system, and that assumption is false. Notice the change in wording from "ethics" to "values". The two are not the same, but they can't be separated. People's ethics reflect their values. There are several value systems by which people decide right and wrong, and the authority value system is only one means by which people build ethics. Each system exists in all people at varying degrees in different circumstances and times in their lives. For example, one system may predominate at home and another at work. Likewise, the values most affecting a rookie are not the same as the predominant values in an officer of ten years. The concept of values emphasizes a living process through which people come to their ethical conclusions. The things important to people change throughout their lives, and as a result, their ethical understandings change. The legal model of ethics assumes a static authority value system in all officers in all phases of their careers and is weak because officers do in fact change. Authoritative pronouncements will not and cannot determine the ethical standards and behavior of officers. If the current dialogue in ethics is going to have any real effect, we must deal with the realities of police-who they are and where they live. I want to focus on the tribal value system-the one that allows an officer to believe that almost all people are bad, as expressed in the first sentence. This system dominates in almost all officers at some point in their careers. Keep in mind that very few people are aware of different value systems in them vying for dominance. They are just aware of struggling with right and wrong without being able to articulate the process going on in them (Pinker 1994). The National Institute of Ethics has concluded the most extensive research ever conducted on the police Code of Silence. Between February, 1999 and June, 2000, 3,714 officers and academy recruits from forty-two different states were asked to participate in the

Wednesday, September 25, 2019

Marketing Strategy For Entering Chinese Market Essay

Marketing Strategy For Entering Chinese Market - Essay Example lower and middle classes as their target audience, the premium standard product would automatically appeal to the upper segment of the society to have such a fine product that can also make them feel different than the people using the Chinese products that are so common, cheap and also referring to the lower standard. China is entering almost in every market whether it is electricity goods or clothing, so the product that should be introduced must be very much competitive to the Chinese product so that the people who are not being served by the Chinese goods can be served on relatively higher prices but it would make them feel supreme, so the basic idea is to introduce something that is much similar to Chinese good but must be different on numerous basis, it would also disturb the Chinese market which seems to be relatively very stable right now. According to the normal observations the product that should be introduced is a VCD/DVD player, the basic reasons for introducing them is that people are already complaining about the big giants in the market and also the material made by China is just serving the core purpose that is a picture on Television, it does not include any tangible or augmented product in it, which means that there is absolutely no quality and guarantee for it. Target Groups As discussed earlier the target market should be people who are having relatively higher income than the most of the people in the society, this does not only include the people who are top class business executives but also people who are young, who are brand conscious and also who have the habit of having excellence in every part of life, this would be made quite visible to the people through our advertisement which would be clearly showing the excellence in the product. Promotional Mix The product as discussed earlier is catering the upper class of the society or people who are having desire to excel, so according to the plan we would have to go for advertising and sales promotion by eliminating personal selling and public relations from our promotional mix list, the idea of not using personal selling is that the product is very supreme and also the market is wide spread and the nature of product is however sensitive, so to keep the product in the higher position it would be unfair to use personal selling, while there is no need of public relations at this stage. The details of advertising and sales promotion are as follows. Advertising: The best thing in the advertising is to have an emotional appeal, perhaps by showing a superior quality picture and smooth sound effects than can make a person go into dreams, and also as the product is VCD/DVD player we would have to

Tuesday, September 24, 2019

Writing for professional practice Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Writing for professional practice - Assignment Example Bilby has countless desirability, for guests visiting daily, weekenders and longer-term guests. Recently, the financial value of tourism has totally begun to be respected and treasured. Studies and administration of this resource is currently a foremost apprehension for all stakeholders. According to the argument and controversy over the latest hospital, BRTA has concluded that to carry out an evaluation on tourism in Bilby. The aspects that make Bilby a tourist center include the regional events available in town that make tourist enjoy the Bibly district throughout the entire years, for example, availability of hotels and geographical features. The visitors enjoy the following aspects in the town; walking tour, tours of Agostini’s vineyard, monthly organic farmer’s market, material design special sales, which happen half yearly. Furthermore, other features include the Street life Carnival that occurs every week, and the Autumn Gold Festival that occurs in the month of March during the long weekend. Another aspects that attract the visitors in the society include the film locations fir city stresses country pleasures and the shopping activity. Many shopping sections such as supermarkets and malls have everything necessary to make tourism interesting and captivating. The town is reported to have great natural wonders, for example, the naturally protected in the valley that has magnificent plateaus and mountains overlooking the town. The town council is also reported to have future projects that are planned to be accomplished to improve the tourism department in the town in the future. Some of the plans include; the boardwalks for the graveyard, bird hide observatory over wetlands and further wind farm on Bilby Plateau, extension to the museum and lastly the leisure centre that will create the promotional opportunities (Harris, Williams and Griffin, 2012). Julia Rudd, CEO of the Bendalong Regional Tourism Authority (BRTA) and other stakeholders

Monday, September 23, 2019

TECHNOLOGY AND YOUR FIELD OF STUDY Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

TECHNOLOGY AND YOUR FIELD OF STUDY - Essay Example Mobile technology has greatly improved communication in today’s world. Mobile technology has made sending and receiving of information faster than ever before. In today’s world someone who is in a far country can call directly and talk to another who is in another continent within minutes. Today people can receive live news of what has happened all over the world faster than ever before (Barney, 2005). Very large texts can be sent across the world without the use of messengers and can be received by recipients located in different parts of the world. This has made it easier to communicate with these people, improving the time and speed of communication. Because of advances in communication technology, it is now possible for universities to offer long distance courses. All that a student needs is an access to computers, and internet connectivity. Long distance courses or classes are a popular method that universities use for purposes of reaching out on students who are in other countries. Some students also prefer to use long distance classes, because of time factors. Mobile technology has also increased efficiency and reliability in the methods and ways in which business leaders communicate with their employees. Due to the advancement of mobile technology, a business manager can now control his workers whichever place they are (Preston, 2001). It is not a must for the business manager or administrator to go to the location of his or her employee. They can use the mobile phones to request for information they need. Companies with large number of branches are able to give orders to be received immediately by their specific branches with a lot of ease. We can collaborate with co-workers no matter how spread out they may be. Any one who needs confirmation or approval of vital decisions can get them without waiting for the head of the organization to return from a trip in order to make approvals. Mobile technology has made doing

Sunday, September 22, 2019

Brands and other intangible assets Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 5000 words

Brands and other intangible assets - Essay Example The financial status with a brand becomes more distinguished as relations to consumers are built through the brand valuation. Recognizing the brand as an intangible asset becomes essential to a corporation because of the impact it has on consumer spending as well as on the financial future of a company. If finances begin to fluctuate from stable growth to increases and decreases in the company, then it can be noted as a direct link to the intangible asset of brand valuation (Wood, 662, 2000). Branding is a concept that began centuries ago as many began to associate the idea of ownership with the products they owned. Branding a home or slaves was the concept used by those who were interested in keeping and maintaining a personal establishment. The main concept was to recognize ownership specifically to gather a return on investment for the ownership. The concept of branding for businesses began to boom with the emergence of the industrial revolution and the building of companies into national entities. During this time, the competition to create products at a mass level while outdoing competitors became the main concept. In the 1920s, General Motors, Ford and companies such as P&G began to use their name identity as a tactic for overcoming the competition. As these brands were identified as an intangible asset demand increased as well as the accounting structure. As consumerism began to rise in the 1980s, most businesses began to incorporate branding into their main ident ity as it was noted that financial differences occurred when a brand was recognized. The main concept was to create a higher amount of demand from potential customers while allowing customers to become loyal to the brand identity over other competitors. The result was the ability to not only build reputation, but also to change the financial increases within a corporation. The concept of brand identity during the 1980s and 1990s also began to emerge at a global level,

Saturday, September 21, 2019

Treat the Earth Well Essay Example for Free

Treat the Earth Well Essay Treat the earth well: it was not given to you by your parents, it was loaned to you by your children. We do not inherit the Earth from our Ancestors; we borrow it from our Children. We do not inherit the Earth from our Ancestors, we borrow it from our Children is an ancient Indian proverb that is reverberating in my ears. It was articulated by Craig Wing recently at a Global Shapers Johannesburg hub meeting. Its pure simplicity is quite piercing because it shows the effect of our ancestors’ actions on our current situation and it also serves as a warning on our current actions’ impact on our children. The architects of Apartheid effectively created a problem for everyone by creating artificial boundaries that were inherently going to be brought down. Anything that is artificial does not have staying power. The social, political and economic separation that was created took the country towards the extreme right swing of the pendulum. This ensured that the minority population enjoyed the majority of the social, political and economic benefits. When the pendulum swung back in the democratic era, it reversed the exclusivity of the social and political benefits from the minority while the economic ones are still lagging far behind. The constitution of the country has guiding principles that help the pendulum to swing to a neutral position at the centre and not to the extreme left because that is also dangerous. Broad-based Black Economic Empowerment policies are meant to accelerate the swing to the middle point which makes them temporal policies that cannot be allowed to stay on forever because they will swing the country to the extreme left. The greatest blind spot suffered by the architects of apartheid was that they disregarded the circular nature of life where things swing back. The result is their children became adversely affected when their policy of separation unravels. This is also a warning to the architects of transformation policies in South Africa to make sure that they understand the circular nature of life and factor it into the design of the policies. There is currently a lot of resistance in moving the economic pendulum from the status quo where only the minority benefits because of fear of an uncertain future. The problem is that the greater the resistance to economic transformation a greater amount of energy is going to be invested and extreme measures taken to make sure that the economic pendulum swings back but to the other extreme which could have unintended consequences. The reality is that the pendulum will swing back but at what cost to the country and its economic prospects? A variation of the proverb â€Å"Treat the earth well: it was not given to you by your parents, it was loaned to you by your children† can be applied to the issue of land so brazenly dealt with by Pieter Mulder. Infrastructure is another recent example. The youth today are effectively going to be paying for the infrastructure based on decisions by people who are likely not going to be there when the full impact of the cost will be felt. So the issue of e-tolls provided a victory to the litigants who successfully argued for the interdict to stop the e-tolling system temporarily. It is an important political victory of making sure that people concerns are heard and for the separation of powers between the Executive, Judiciary and the Parliament. It also raised important questions about who benefited from the R20 billion tenders and also questioned the fairness of the tariff structure and who will benefit from these fees. So transparency was the winner principle at the end of the day. However it is a Pyrrhic victory because the ultimate solution sought by the litigants is the shifting of the burden of paying for the roads from the road users to all taxpayers. So the bottom line is that the young people will be bearing the burden of the long term cost of this e-toll through increased taxes or less support from the government while the older people will be enjoying the retirement funds returns generated from this through the bonds they bought. Furthermore this places the user-pays-principle which is much more equitable for future generations at risk which in turn scares away the investors especially in areas where we are suffering from an infrastructure deficit. So we might be solving the infrastructure development problem by borrowing from our children to fight power politics of old people who have no enduring interest in intergenerational equity. Young people are the ones who should be shaping the decisions that affect their future represented by their informed and decisive leaders while making sure that they don’t inherit the unhelpful habits of their ancestors.

Friday, September 20, 2019

Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy

Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy This dissertation will examine in detail the extent to which British post-war immigration policy was used to pacify or appease racism in British society. As point of reference the following definition of racism is used: the overt and covert determination of actions, attitudes or policies by beliefs about racial characteristics accompanied by racist theories (Abercrombie, Hall Turner, 2000,p. 286). Racism in Britain was partly due to wishing to keep foreigners out especially non-whites and also ignorance of the cultures of the Black and Asian people that had been part of the British Empire and often held British passports. In 1948 the Atlee government surveyed public opinion about views on race and found that many whites believed that coloured people were promiscuous head hunters gifted at witchcraft and black magic with several wives each, surely an indictment of the British education system. It is no wonder with preconceptions like that there was always a sizable minority of whites who favoured restricting immigration and others that all non white immigrants and their British born children or grandchildren should be repatriated(Eatwell, 2003, p. 331). As shall be discussed in detail the British immigration policy during the post-war period has been changed from the open door policy towards all Commonwealth citizens to a tightening of immigration controls arguably if not always explicitly to restrict the number of non white immigrants into the country. Governments are the key decision-makers on immigration policy and providing they have complete control over legislation can encourage or restrict immigration whenever they want to. British governments are no exception to this, although they can be influenced by social, political and economic considerations. For much of the post-war era British governments were free to change immigration policy in any way they saw fit. However governments are susceptible to public opinion and prevailing social attitudes be they progressive or regressive in nature (Evans Newnham, 1998, p. 242). The immigration of Blacks and Asians into Britain was not a new phenomena experienced for the first time after 1945. In fact immigration had happened on a small scale for hundreds of years yet remained hardly noticed by the majority of the British society. Blacks and Asians had come to Britain for various reasons including the slave trade, being members of the merchant navy and the Royal Navy or the search for better lives and jobs. Britain had dominated the slave trade by transporting African slaves to the West Indies and the Americas before abolishing the trade itself in the early 1800s. The slave traders did not seem to have a racist motive in catchingAfricans; they just went for the people they could catch most easily.The legacy of the slave trade and the empire was that the white British tended to regard themselves as being better than the Black and Asian people they ruled. The slave trade had certainly helped to fund Britain’s economic and imperial expansion and meant Br itains imperial subjects would the have right to British citizenship. With British citizenship came the right to immigrate to Britain whether on a permanent basis or just for a temporary stay. Before 1945 the people of the new Commonwealth did not lack the rights to immigrate to Britain just the desire or the incentive. Racism was not seen as a problem that British society suffered from (Ramdin, 1999, pp.10-11). After the First World War the British government had not needed Black and Asian immigrants to help with reconstruction. As well as there being no official encouragement for immigration the poor shape of the British economy meant there was little chance of employment for immigrants or for all the white men demobilized from the armed forces. In fact unemployment was high for much of the 1920s and got even higher with the onset of the depression after 1929. During this period Britain did not tighten up its open door policy to immigration from the Empire. Yet when there was 2 million unemployed and immigrants would not have qualified for unemployment benefits Britain was not an attractive county to immigrate to (Pearce, 1992, p. 20). Those immigrants that did arrive in Britain found that the harsher economic conditions meant that more were opposed to their entry because of racism as well as the selfish desire to keep all jobs for themselves.Not all immigrants had bad experiences of livin g in Britain. Around400 Asians had settled in Glasgow and forged strong relationships with the local Scots especially with their contribution to the war effort during the Second World War (Ramdin, 1999, p. 139). Black and Asian people made vital contributions to the British war effort not only through their military and naval service but also by producing greater quantities of food plus other important supplies. In military terms the war had stretched Britain to its limit yet without African, WestIndian and Indian forces the situation would have been worse. Those former Black soldiers, sailors and aircrew believed their wartime service alone entitled them to immigrate to Britain if they wanted to(Hines, 1998, p.20). London was a beacon to those that immigrated to Britain or passing through during naval and military service, as it was the imperial and economic centre of the British empire (Okokon, 1998, p. 8). The emergence of the British Union of Fascists in the 1930s showed that there was support for racist ideas in Britain although at that time British Jews were the main targets of the BUF’s rhetoric and hatred.None of its members would have been averse to attacking or discriminating against Black and Asian immigrants. In the post-war era racists have happily supported the National Front and the British National Party (Pearce, 1992, p. 114). Those Black communities in Britain were familiar with racism and violent attacks. For instance there had been race riots against the Black people that lived in theTiger Bay area of Cardiff in 1919 as the dock owners tried to bar Blacks from working (Ramdin, 1999, p. 141). However after the Second World War the incoming Atlee government realized that Britain faced a serious shortage of labour. That shortage was solved by encouraging Black and Asian people in the new Commonwealth to immigrate to Britain to fill the vacant jobs and bring their families with them. The Atlee government had not seen racism, as a problem that should dictate changes in its immigration policy and for almost a decade neither did its Conservative successors. After allBlack and Asian immigrants legally had the same rights as white fellow citizens (although in practice discrimination restricted their rights)and there was by and large work for them. The government even got the former Prime Minister Winston Churchill to encourage West Indians to immigrate to Britain. Winston Churchill was well respected in the WestIndies, a respect that seemed to mutual as he regarded many WestIndians as been model citizens that could help the reconstruction of Britain and build themselves better ca reers and lives at the same time(Hines, 1998, p.14). Black and Asian immigrants were wanted to fill the vacancies that the white British either did not wish to fill or if there were not enough whites to fill the vacancies. Black immigrants were recruited in large numbers as bus drivers and industrial workers.They went all over Britain where ever there were jobs available. The creation of the National Health Service (NHS) meant that more Black workers were needed often men to be porters and women to beauxiliaries, cleaners or nurses. At the start of the post war period British immigration policy was open door towards Commonwealth citizens who were free to live and work in Britain as long as they could afford the air or more often the sea passage over. Many of the first generation of immigrants hoped to make enough in Britain to return home with their families (Gardiner and Wenborn, 1995, p. 188). Asian immigrants were mainly recruited to work within the textile industry in places such as Bradford, Blackburn and Oldham. WhereasBlack immigrants were usually Christians and were not too culturally different from the white population, Asian immigrants usually had different religions and were culturally distinct. However none of these immigrants could hide their skin colour and found they were not always welcome frequently facing racism and discrimination. Britain had granted independence to India in 1947, that was partitioned into India,East and West Pakistan. The citizens of these new countries alongside all other Commonwealth citizens were at that point free to immigrate to Britain and entitled to claim British citizenship. These rights were legally enshrined in the Nationalities Act of 1948 when economic self interest was more apparent than racism or any perceived need to appease or reduce it (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Large numbers of Asian immigrants brought multiculturalism to Britain. They also brought the Islamic, Hindu and Sikh religions too (Abercrombie, Hill Turner, 2000, p.232). Better-educated Asians would also join the NHS as doctors and dentists or become solicitors. Yet the majority of Black and Asian immigrants were only allowed to take semi or unskilled jobs (even if they were capable of more skilled work) that began to become scarcer towards the end of the 1950s. Thus reducing the economic urgency of continuing open door immigration policy (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Once larger numbers of immigrants arrived in Britain they found that although employment was readily available their opportunities were restricted and they faced both overt and covert racism. Some areas were more receptive to the new arrivals whereas other areas were down right hostile. British governments had hoped that the Black and Asian immigrants would eventually assimilate and integrate into British society as previous white immigrants had done. However this became increasingly unlikely as a result both of racism and the desire of immigrants to retain their cultural and religious identities. Unlike earlier Irish and Eastern European immigrants whose children might escape prejudice as they were white, Black and Asian immigrants knew that they and future generations would face ongoing racism. Racism appeared to be strongest in the areas where immigration had been most concentrated. These areas were the inner cities of London, Birmingham ,Manchester and Glasgow amongst others. The se areas were also the ones that tended to have the worst housing, health and education provision.Some whites were more than happy to mix with Black and Asian as witnessed by the success of the Notting Hill carnival. However there were also racists that caused tension and wanted immigration halted and perhaps even reversed. The presence of racism would mean that governments had to decide whether to counter, pacify or appease it by changing immigration policy, introducing race relations legislation or changing law and order considerations. Racists were and are voters and as both the Conservative and Labour parties believed that inner city and marginal seats could be vital to winning elections they were prepared to change immigration policy if they felt that was necessary.Changes to immigration policy since the 1960s amply demonstrate that the Conservative and Labour leadership were prepared to pacify and appease racism to win or retain power at general elections. The Conservatives we re probably more prepared to do so as they believed that many Blacks and Asians either voted Labour or did not vote at all(Watson, 1997, p. 423). Winston Churchill mentioned in cabinet meetings during 1954 that continued high levels of immigration â€Å"would sooner or later come to be resented by large sections of the British people†. Clearly the need for new immigrants to do the lowest status jobs was lessening (Hines, 1998, p.18). However events during the 1950s would lead the Conservative government to rethink immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. There had been minor disturbances in Nottingham in August 1958 where Black people lived in some of the most deprived areas of the city. The Nottingham police commented on the high level of racist provocation abuse that the well behaved West Indian population had had to endure and were surprised that they had not reacted more violently (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 176-77). As most of the early immigrants intended to return home they were not as vocal as they could have been in speaking out against the discrimination and intimidation that they suffered far to frequently (Hines, 1998, p. 19). Racists supported the Union Movement, the successor of the pre-warBUF that would shift its emphasis from anti-Semitism to racial discrimination and hatred of non white immigrants. In 1945 the Union Movement leader Sir Oswald Mosley seemed to be an eccentric irrelevance at best and a racist anti-Semitic pro-Nazi traitor at worst, or more accurately he was both. The Union Movement would have an influence out of proportion to its size in the changing of immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in society. In the 1950s Mosley decided that raising the race issue was the best way of increasing support for theFar Right in Britain or at the very least raising its profile. Whereas the Conservative government were at that time unwilling to change its immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. Some of the government’s members and their advisors had considered including promises to restrict immigration as part of the Conservative party election manifesto for 1959 but instead concentrated on telling the electorate that they had never been so well of. That shows that the immigration issue was seen as being too important to be ignored. Mosley believed that the immigration would be the key to reviving his political fortunes. The Notting Hill riots of 1958 made Mosley think that the racist vote would be high enough for him to be elected for Notting Hill following the 1959 general election. Mosley’ shopes were dashed. The Union Movement remained small with only 5,000members. The revival of the Far Right in Britain was prevented by the rightward drift of the Conservative party over immigration policy that pacified and appeased racism (Eatwell, 2003, pp. 331-32). Although the Black communities in Nottingham and Notting Hill had been the victims of discrimination and violence they were effectively punished instead of helped by the government with the subsequent changes to British immigration policy. Aside from the nine white Teddyboys jailed for their part in the rioting the resulting changes inimmigration policy were a reward for racism, intimidation and discrimination. The Conservative government were unwilling to introduce anti racist discrimination laws on the grounds that the law already provided adequate punishment for anybody convicted for racially motivated violence, even if the racist could only get convicted for assault but not incitement (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 177-78). By 1962 the Conservative government had changed its mind about restricting immigration for Blacks and Asians bowing to fears amongst parts of middle class suburbia of allowing too many non whites into the country and rising levels of tension in the inner cities. Restrictions were supposed to reduce racial tensions in the areas were immigrants had already settled. The lack of protection for Black and Asian immigrants from racism and discrimination should have been obvious but only the Liberal party saw the need to introduce legislation to counter the problem. The Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962 reversed the open door immigration policy and allowed only those with guaranteed jobs with the work voucher to prove it, their families and students with confirmed university places to enter Britain (Gardiner Wenborn,1995, p. 188). If the aim of the act of was to keep the Conservatives in power it failed. In the short term aware of the forthcoming restrictions as many immigrants as possibl e came to Britain, 100,000 in1962 alone. There were exceptions for relatives or perspective spouses to enter the country but they had to prove their ties to people already here (Schama, 2002, p. 551). Immigration would decline markedly after the 1962 Act but as a political issue it has not gone away and has frequently been used by the Conservative party and those parties further to the right to gain electoral support. The Labour party despite anything it may have promised during periods of opposition did not remove the restrictions on immigration imposed by the Conservatives to pacify and appease racism in British society (Goldbourne, 1998, pp.51-2). In opposition the Labour party had been critical of the restrictions imposed through the 1962 act claiming that it was giving in to racist demands. However Labour had to balance keeping the votes of Labour supporters who were against immigration and gaining the vote of the nonwhite voters already in Britain. However once in power the Wilson government would further restrict Black and Asian immigration from theCommonwealth rather than restoring the open door immigration policy abandoned in 1962. The number of work vouchers for potential workers from the new Commonwealth that would allow them to work and live in Britain was further reduced to 8,500 per year in 1965. The Wilson government was reelected after a landslide victory in 1966 without race or immigration featuring heavily in the campaign and the Conservatives seemingly destined for a long stint in opposition. The next controversy over race that led to the Labour government changing immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in British society was as a result of events in Kenya. Kenya was a newly independent member of the Commonwealth that had a sizable minority of Asians that were descended from 19th century immigrants that Britain had recruited to staff the civil service and the railways. The Kenyan Asians were vital to the Kenyan economy yet the Kenyan government wished to deport its entire Asian population to keep the country for Africans only. This overt and outrageous piece of racism was thinly veiled under the termAfricanization. The British government had a responsibility to protect and give refuge to the Kenyan Asians as they held British passports.The Labour government’s Home Secretary Jim Callaghan was anxious to keep the entry of Kenyan Asians to the barest minimum by trying to get other Commonwealth countries to grant them asylum. The Immigration Act of 1968 was amended before its passing to allow only 1500 Kenyan Asian holding British passports and their families to gain entry to B ritain every year. It just happened that 1968 was the year that racism and immigration policy were put firmly in the public spotlight by the soon to be infamous speech of a single Conservative MP from the WestMidlands (Watson, 1997,p. 424). On 20 April 1968 in his home city of Birmingham the maverick yet intellectually capable Conservative front bench MP for Wolverhampton, Enoch Powell made a speech that caused race and immigration policy to go to the top of the political agenda. In his speech Powell called for the further restriction of immigration and to close the loopholes that allowed the relatives of those already settled in Britain to join their families. Powell believed that families should not be reunited and that those not already in Britain should not be allowed entry at all.The following section is the part of the speech that caused so much controversy:Those whom the gods wish to destroy, they first made mad. We must be mad, literally mad, as a nation to be permitting the annual inflow of some 50,000 dependents, who are for the most part the material of the future growth of the immigrant-descended population†¦ As I look ahead, I am filled with forboding. Like the Roman, I seem to see â€Å"the river Tib er foaming with much blood† (Comfort, 1993, p.524). The liberal minded Leader of the Opposition, Edward Heath was caught in a quandary as to whether to sack Powell from the shadow front bench or use the race issue in order to win the next general election. In the end he actually did both. Powell defended his speech saying he was warning about the harmful social consequences of too much immigration in producing racial tensions not to make those tensions worse. Heath sacked Powell from the shadow cabinet but did not expel him from the Conservative party, although Powell would have probably responded by standing as an independent candidate. Powell received over 100,000letters supporting his views and there were protests and strikes in his favour to (Comfort, 1993, p. 524). Enoch Powell found that his speech had been supported by around 75% of the British population according to opinion polls afterwards. Powell had hoped to make the Conservative party harder on immigration policy than the Labour party and that perception certainly helped Heath become Prime Minister, with anti-immigration and racist Labour voters to switch their support(Eatwell, 2003, p.337). The left wing cabinet minister Tony Benn was certainly not the only one dismayed at the Rivers of Blood speech as it gave fascists,neo-nazis and racists to protest against immigrants and it helped spread their racist propaganda. Powell had given them a great boast as immigration and race received more media coverage than usual. The uproar meant that if there were going to be further changes in British immigration policy those changes would be further restrictions to pacify and appease racism rather than liberalize policy. Benn had respected Powell’s abilities and would even work with him to stop British entry into the Common Market, however he resented Powell making the race and immigration issues â€Å"very dangerous and difficult.† Benn feared that the speech would be used to incite racial hatred and violence (Benn, 1988, p.60). For the Black and Asian communities the whole episode showed how ingrained racism and xenophobia was in British society. With public opinion on immigration so much in favour of restrictive or non existent immigration for non whites it was hardly surprising if British governments changed policy to pamper those view seven if it does show their lack of courage. It demonstrates that for most politicians it is more important to gain and hold power than it is to counter racism and discrimination (Evans, 2000, p.43). The uproar over Enoch Powell gave the Wilson government an excuse to restrict the number of Kenyan Asians allowed entry into Britain (not that it needed any). Wilson had been confident of a third election victory in June 1970. During that campaign Powell continued to raise the race issue and Heath promised to tighten up immigration policy if he was elected. Heath condemned Powell’s racism at the same time he was promising to pacify and appease racism through immigration policy. The race issue was widely seen as contributing to Heaths surprise election victory. Some commentators such as Jonathan Dimbleby even blamed TonyBenn for his denouncements of Powell (Benn, 1988, p. 294). The harsh reality of racism and the growing possibilities of restricted immigration led to the setting up of groups and organisations amongst immigrant communities to protect themselves as the government and political establishment did not. Such groups included the West IndianStanding Conference (WISC), the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination(CARD) and the Indian Workers Association of Great Britain (IWA). These groups made their views known through demonstrations, rallies and journals or their own publications like the Race Collective (Hines,1998, pp. 69-72). These groups would also receive support from white sympathizers in the Anti-Nazi League plus left wing members of the Labour party like Tony Benn or the Liberals (Ramdin, 1999, p. 246). According to the 1971 census 6 % of the British population had been born outside of the United Kingdom. Around 1.1 million were Black and Asian immigrants from the new Commonwealth representing 2.3% of the British population. A further 900,000 Black and Asian people were born in Britain and had no memories of their parents homelands. The percentage of the Black and Asian population born in Britain would increase, even as the level of immigration was restricted. These figures do not justify the hysteria and the suggestions of been swamped by immigrants that Powell and others talked about (Watson, 1997,p.423). The immigration policy of the Heath government might as well have been decided by Enoch Powell himself. The Immigration Act of 1971 redefined British citizen in a much more restricted and marrow way compared to the Nationalities Act of 1948. Instead of either having British and passports or not, several sub categories of citizenship were defined in the Act. Each category allowed a different degree of citizenship that in turn granted different rights of entry into Britain. The new system was designed in such a way that right of entry into Britain was determined almost entirely on the basis of any potential immigrants skin colour, unless of course Black and Asian immigrants had a grandfather born in Britain. This act meant that countless numbers of whites in the old Commonwealth could immigrate to Britain if they wanted to. However those Black and Asian that had obtained British passports before their countries gained independence found those British passports to be completely worthless. Enoch Powellheartily endorsed the 1971 Immigration Act, as it seemed the ultimate example of changing immigration policy to pacify and appease racism(Goldbourne, 1998, p.53). Powell did not stay happy with the Conservative leadership after Heath took Britain into the EuropeanUnion. In both elections of 1974 he urged Conservative voters to vote Labour as he believed a Labour g overnment would take Britain out of it.Perhaps much to the relief of Heath, Powell became an Ulster UnionistMP in 1974. Powell would have more in common with Heath’s successor, Margaret Thatcher in terms of immigration policy (Gardiner Wenborn, 1995, p. 613). This section of the dissertation will be shorter than the previous one.That is because there are fewer plausible arguments against the case that British immigration policy was changed to pacify or appease racism in British society. There were however justifications or compensations for the changes in immigration policy mainly relating to the alleged benefits and advantages of pacifying but not appeasing racism in British society. British governments could claim that its main responsibilities are for and to the people that live in Britain already whatever their race and ethnicity. Governments could argue that there were pragmatic, social and economic reasons for restricting non white immigration that was not adopted to pacify or appease racism in British society even if that was its unintended consequences. For instance British governments could argue that the deteriorating economic position of Britain meant that there were fewer jobs for Black and Asian to come to Britain to fill. Th erefore it would not be fair to allow them entry to stay on social security benefits for most of their working lives. The Heath government was committed to making the British economy more effective yet its plans came unstuck due to widespread industrial unrest and the oil crisis of 1973. The Wilson and Callaghan governments faced ever worsening economic conditions that forced Labour to abandon the post-war policy of working towards full employment. The harsher economic and social policies later known as Thatcherism made things even harder for Blacks and Asians that were already deprived and discriminated against (Black, 2000, pp. 212-15). Despite the tight restrictions on non-white immigration introduced by the Immigration Act of 1971 Heath would prove capable of revising the policy because of the crisis in Uganda. Idi Amin the Ugandan dictator following the example of the Kenyans had expelled all of the Ugandan Asians. Heath let some of the Ugandan Asians in to Britain(Eatwell, 2003,p.337). Heath tried to persuade as many countries as possible to give the Ugandan Asians refuge so his government did not have to (Watson 1997, p. 424). Pacifying racism in British society might not have been such a bad thing if it meant that the majority of Black and Asian people could lead their lives free from violence if not from discrimination. Arguably restricting non white immigration meant that Britain did not experience any race riots from Notting Hill in 1958 to the riots of1981. The Labour governments of 1964-70 and 1974-79 could justify continued immigration policy restrictions by claiming that Labour governments were the most beneficial governments for Black and Asian people and communities in Britain in terms of social and economic policies. Their case would be based on the fact that Labour was the party most determined to counter discrimination and tackle racism for those non whites already here for the cost of restricting further nonwhite immigration. Labour was committed to improving public services and reducing poverty that would certainly help the majority of Black and Asian people that lived in more deprived areas . It was the Labour party that passed the three Race Relations Acts of 1965, 1968 and1976. These acts showed that the Labour governments would not appease or condone racism in domestic policy and showed their intent to lessen discrimination within British society (Black, 2000, p. 123). SometimesBritish public opinion has encouraged governments to allow immigrants when there has been a crisis or disaster. In the mid 1970s for instance Britain took some of the Vietnamese refugees often referred to as boat people (Evans, 2000, p.43). The immigration of Black and Asian people into Britain had a noticeable impact on British society leading to the phenomena of multiculturalism. These people brought in their own cultures, religions and perhaps to a lesser extent literature. Asians in particular could point out past academic and literal achievements(Ramdin, 1999, p.70). The issues of racism and immigration would lead to the production of large volumes of literature and writings both in justification, explanation or refutation of racism and immigration restrictions. Nobody could argue that Enoch Powell was academically backward and on the verge of illiteracy. In fact that is why he had such an impact on the immigration and race issues. He was not an ill-educated skinhead or violent Teddy boy but a former professor of classics and cabinet minister capable of rational arguments. In just one speech he had a much greater impact on immigration policy than any number of race riots or odious racial assaults (Comfort, 1993, 52 4).Even the fascist and neo-fascist organisations have produced literature to promote their views, it might not be up to Noble prize winning standards but it certainly has convinced enough people to support them. Oswald Mosley himself had been a prolific if not always coherent writer. The eventual leader of the National Front, JohnTyndall although more accustomed to inciting skinheads put forward his views in Six Principles of Nationalism published in 1966 (Eatwell,2003, p. 335). The effect that the tabloid newspapers and the more respectable right wing broad sheets can have on the issues of race and immigration cannot be ignored. When the newspapers are spreading fear and rumours of further immigration it is hardly conducive for British governments to reverse immigration controls on non-whites. For instance the reluctance of the Wilson and Heath governments to allow the Kenyan and Ugandan Asians into Britain (Watson, 1997, pp. 424-25). For the West Indians, Africans and the better educated Asians their education had largely been based on the English education system, hence the respect that many of them held Britain prior to immigration. In theWest Indies, English was the spoken language, whilst in the former colonies of Asia and Africa, English was the common language of the administrators and the social, economic and political elites.Therefore many Black people were literate if not better educated than their white counterparts. Discrimination and the desire to restrict immigration resulted from the abilities of immigrants Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy This dissertation will examine in detail the extent to which British post-war immigration policy was used to pacify or appease racism in British society. As point of reference the following definition of racism is used: the overt and covert determination of actions, attitudes or policies by beliefs about racial characteristics accompanied by racist theories (Abercrombie, Hall Turner, 2000,p. 286). Racism in Britain was partly due to wishing to keep foreigners out especially non-whites and also ignorance of the cultures of the Black and Asian people that had been part of the British Empire and often held British passports. In 1948 the Atlee government surveyed public opinion about views on race and found that many whites believed that coloured people were promiscuous head hunters gifted at witchcraft and black magic with several wives each, surely an indictment of the British education system. It is no wonder with preconceptions like that there was always a sizable minority of whites who favoured restricting immigration and others that all non white immigrants and their British born children or grandchildren should be repatriated(Eatwell, 2003, p. 331). As shall be discussed in detail the British immigration policy during the post-war period has been changed from the open door policy towards all Commonwealth citizens to a tightening of immigration controls arguably if not always explicitly to restrict the number of non white immigrants into the country. Governments are the key decision-makers on immigration policy and providing they have complete control over legislation can encourage or restrict immigration whenever they want to. British governments are no exception to this, although they can be influenced by social, political and economic considerations. For much of the post-war era British governments were free to change immigration policy in any way they saw fit. However governments are susceptible to public opinion and prevailing social attitudes be they progressive or regressive in nature (Evans Newnham, 1998, p. 242). The immigration of Blacks and Asians into Britain was not a new phenomena experienced for the first time after 1945. In fact immigration had happened on a small scale for hundreds of years yet remained hardly noticed by the majority of the British society. Blacks and Asians had come to Britain for various reasons including the slave trade, being members of the merchant navy and the Royal Navy or the search for better lives and jobs. Britain had dominated the slave trade by transporting African slaves to the West Indies and the Americas before abolishing the trade itself in the early 1800s. The slave traders did not seem to have a racist motive in catchingAfricans; they just went for the people they could catch most easily.The legacy of the slave trade and the empire was that the white British tended to regard themselves as being better than the Black and Asian people they ruled. The slave trade had certainly helped to fund Britain’s economic and imperial expansion and meant Br itains imperial subjects would the have right to British citizenship. With British citizenship came the right to immigrate to Britain whether on a permanent basis or just for a temporary stay. Before 1945 the people of the new Commonwealth did not lack the rights to immigrate to Britain just the desire or the incentive. Racism was not seen as a problem that British society suffered from (Ramdin, 1999, pp.10-11). After the First World War the British government had not needed Black and Asian immigrants to help with reconstruction. As well as there being no official encouragement for immigration the poor shape of the British economy meant there was little chance of employment for immigrants or for all the white men demobilized from the armed forces. In fact unemployment was high for much of the 1920s and got even higher with the onset of the depression after 1929. During this period Britain did not tighten up its open door policy to immigration from the Empire. Yet when there was 2 million unemployed and immigrants would not have qualified for unemployment benefits Britain was not an attractive county to immigrate to (Pearce, 1992, p. 20). Those immigrants that did arrive in Britain found that the harsher economic conditions meant that more were opposed to their entry because of racism as well as the selfish desire to keep all jobs for themselves.Not all immigrants had bad experiences of livin g in Britain. Around400 Asians had settled in Glasgow and forged strong relationships with the local Scots especially with their contribution to the war effort during the Second World War (Ramdin, 1999, p. 139). Black and Asian people made vital contributions to the British war effort not only through their military and naval service but also by producing greater quantities of food plus other important supplies. In military terms the war had stretched Britain to its limit yet without African, WestIndian and Indian forces the situation would have been worse. Those former Black soldiers, sailors and aircrew believed their wartime service alone entitled them to immigrate to Britain if they wanted to(Hines, 1998, p.20). London was a beacon to those that immigrated to Britain or passing through during naval and military service, as it was the imperial and economic centre of the British empire (Okokon, 1998, p. 8). The emergence of the British Union of Fascists in the 1930s showed that there was support for racist ideas in Britain although at that time British Jews were the main targets of the BUF’s rhetoric and hatred.None of its members would have been averse to attacking or discriminating against Black and Asian immigrants. In the post-war era racists have happily supported the National Front and the British National Party (Pearce, 1992, p. 114). Those Black communities in Britain were familiar with racism and violent attacks. For instance there had been race riots against the Black people that lived in theTiger Bay area of Cardiff in 1919 as the dock owners tried to bar Blacks from working (Ramdin, 1999, p. 141). However after the Second World War the incoming Atlee government realized that Britain faced a serious shortage of labour. That shortage was solved by encouraging Black and Asian people in the new Commonwealth to immigrate to Britain to fill the vacant jobs and bring their families with them. The Atlee government had not seen racism, as a problem that should dictate changes in its immigration policy and for almost a decade neither did its Conservative successors. After allBlack and Asian immigrants legally had the same rights as white fellow citizens (although in practice discrimination restricted their rights)and there was by and large work for them. The government even got the former Prime Minister Winston Churchill to encourage West Indians to immigrate to Britain. Winston Churchill was well respected in the WestIndies, a respect that seemed to mutual as he regarded many WestIndians as been model citizens that could help the reconstruction of Britain and build themselves better ca reers and lives at the same time(Hines, 1998, p.14). Black and Asian immigrants were wanted to fill the vacancies that the white British either did not wish to fill or if there were not enough whites to fill the vacancies. Black immigrants were recruited in large numbers as bus drivers and industrial workers.They went all over Britain where ever there were jobs available. The creation of the National Health Service (NHS) meant that more Black workers were needed often men to be porters and women to beauxiliaries, cleaners or nurses. At the start of the post war period British immigration policy was open door towards Commonwealth citizens who were free to live and work in Britain as long as they could afford the air or more often the sea passage over. Many of the first generation of immigrants hoped to make enough in Britain to return home with their families (Gardiner and Wenborn, 1995, p. 188). Asian immigrants were mainly recruited to work within the textile industry in places such as Bradford, Blackburn and Oldham. WhereasBlack immigrants were usually Christians and were not too culturally different from the white population, Asian immigrants usually had different religions and were culturally distinct. However none of these immigrants could hide their skin colour and found they were not always welcome frequently facing racism and discrimination. Britain had granted independence to India in 1947, that was partitioned into India,East and West Pakistan. The citizens of these new countries alongside all other Commonwealth citizens were at that point free to immigrate to Britain and entitled to claim British citizenship. These rights were legally enshrined in the Nationalities Act of 1948 when economic self interest was more apparent than racism or any perceived need to appease or reduce it (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Large numbers of Asian immigrants brought multiculturalism to Britain. They also brought the Islamic, Hindu and Sikh religions too (Abercrombie, Hill Turner, 2000, p.232). Better-educated Asians would also join the NHS as doctors and dentists or become solicitors. Yet the majority of Black and Asian immigrants were only allowed to take semi or unskilled jobs (even if they were capable of more skilled work) that began to become scarcer towards the end of the 1950s. Thus reducing the economic urgency of continuing open door immigration policy (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Once larger numbers of immigrants arrived in Britain they found that although employment was readily available their opportunities were restricted and they faced both overt and covert racism. Some areas were more receptive to the new arrivals whereas other areas were down right hostile. British governments had hoped that the Black and Asian immigrants would eventually assimilate and integrate into British society as previous white immigrants had done. However this became increasingly unlikely as a result both of racism and the desire of immigrants to retain their cultural and religious identities. Unlike earlier Irish and Eastern European immigrants whose children might escape prejudice as they were white, Black and Asian immigrants knew that they and future generations would face ongoing racism. Racism appeared to be strongest in the areas where immigration had been most concentrated. These areas were the inner cities of London, Birmingham ,Manchester and Glasgow amongst others. The se areas were also the ones that tended to have the worst housing, health and education provision.Some whites were more than happy to mix with Black and Asian as witnessed by the success of the Notting Hill carnival. However there were also racists that caused tension and wanted immigration halted and perhaps even reversed. The presence of racism would mean that governments had to decide whether to counter, pacify or appease it by changing immigration policy, introducing race relations legislation or changing law and order considerations. Racists were and are voters and as both the Conservative and Labour parties believed that inner city and marginal seats could be vital to winning elections they were prepared to change immigration policy if they felt that was necessary.Changes to immigration policy since the 1960s amply demonstrate that the Conservative and Labour leadership were prepared to pacify and appease racism to win or retain power at general elections. The Conservatives we re probably more prepared to do so as they believed that many Blacks and Asians either voted Labour or did not vote at all(Watson, 1997, p. 423). Winston Churchill mentioned in cabinet meetings during 1954 that continued high levels of immigration â€Å"would sooner or later come to be resented by large sections of the British people†. Clearly the need for new immigrants to do the lowest status jobs was lessening (Hines, 1998, p.18). However events during the 1950s would lead the Conservative government to rethink immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. There had been minor disturbances in Nottingham in August 1958 where Black people lived in some of the most deprived areas of the city. The Nottingham police commented on the high level of racist provocation abuse that the well behaved West Indian population had had to endure and were surprised that they had not reacted more violently (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 176-77). As most of the early immigrants intended to return home they were not as vocal as they could have been in speaking out against the discrimination and intimidation that they suffered far to frequently (Hines, 1998, p. 19). Racists supported the Union Movement, the successor of the pre-warBUF that would shift its emphasis from anti-Semitism to racial discrimination and hatred of non white immigrants. In 1945 the Union Movement leader Sir Oswald Mosley seemed to be an eccentric irrelevance at best and a racist anti-Semitic pro-Nazi traitor at worst, or more accurately he was both. The Union Movement would have an influence out of proportion to its size in the changing of immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in society. In the 1950s Mosley decided that raising the race issue was the best way of increasing support for theFar Right in Britain or at the very least raising its profile. Whereas the Conservative government were at that time unwilling to change its immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. Some of the government’s members and their advisors had considered including promises to restrict immigration as part of the Conservative party election manifesto for 1959 but instead concentrated on telling the electorate that they had never been so well of. That shows that the immigration issue was seen as being too important to be ignored. Mosley believed that the immigration would be the key to reviving his political fortunes. The Notting Hill riots of 1958 made Mosley think that the racist vote would be high enough for him to be elected for Notting Hill following the 1959 general election. Mosley’ shopes were dashed. The Union Movement remained small with only 5,000members. The revival of the Far Right in Britain was prevented by the rightward drift of the Conservative party over immigration policy that pacified and appeased racism (Eatwell, 2003, pp. 331-32). Although the Black communities in Nottingham and Notting Hill had been the victims of discrimination and violence they were effectively punished instead of helped by the government with the subsequent changes to British immigration policy. Aside from the nine white Teddyboys jailed for their part in the rioting the resulting changes inimmigration policy were a reward for racism, intimidation and discrimination. The Conservative government were unwilling to introduce anti racist discrimination laws on the grounds that the law already provided adequate punishment for anybody convicted for racially motivated violence, even if the racist could only get convicted for assault but not incitement (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 177-78). By 1962 the Conservative government had changed its mind about restricting immigration for Blacks and Asians bowing to fears amongst parts of middle class suburbia of allowing too many non whites into the country and rising levels of tension in the inner cities. Restrictions were supposed to reduce racial tensions in the areas were immigrants had already settled. The lack of protection for Black and Asian immigrants from racism and discrimination should have been obvious but only the Liberal party saw the need to introduce legislation to counter the problem. The Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962 reversed the open door immigration policy and allowed only those with guaranteed jobs with the work voucher to prove it, their families and students with confirmed university places to enter Britain (Gardiner Wenborn,1995, p. 188). If the aim of the act of was to keep the Conservatives in power it failed. In the short term aware of the forthcoming restrictions as many immigrants as possibl e came to Britain, 100,000 in1962 alone. There were exceptions for relatives or perspective spouses to enter the country but they had to prove their ties to people already here (Schama, 2002, p. 551). Immigration would decline markedly after the 1962 Act but as a political issue it has not gone away and has frequently been used by the Conservative party and those parties further to the right to gain electoral support. The Labour party despite anything it may have promised during periods of opposition did not remove the restrictions on immigration imposed by the Conservatives to pacify and appease racism in British society (Goldbourne, 1998, pp.51-2). In opposition the Labour party had been critical of the restrictions imposed through the 1962 act claiming that it was giving in to racist demands. However Labour had to balance keeping the votes of Labour supporters who were against immigration and gaining the vote of the nonwhite voters already in Britain. However once in power the Wilson government would further restrict Black and Asian immigration from theCommonwealth rather than restoring the open door immigration policy abandoned in 1962. The number of work vouchers for potential workers from the new Commonwealth that would allow them to work and live in Britain was further reduced to 8,500 per year in 1965. The Wilson government was reelected after a landslide victory in 1966 without race or immigration featuring heavily in the campaign and the Conservatives seemingly destined for a long stint in opposition. The next controversy over race that led to the Labour government changing immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in British society was as a result of events in Kenya. Kenya was a newly independent member of the Commonwealth that had a sizable minority of Asians that were descended from 19th century immigrants that Britain had recruited to staff the civil service and the railways. The Kenyan Asians were vital to the Kenyan economy yet the Kenyan government wished to deport its entire Asian population to keep the country for Africans only. This overt and outrageous piece of racism was thinly veiled under the termAfricanization. The British government had a responsibility to protect and give refuge to the Kenyan Asians as they held British passports.The Labour government’s Home Secretary Jim Callaghan was anxious to keep the entry of Kenyan Asians to the barest minimum by trying to get other Commonwealth countries to grant them asylum. The Immigration Act of 1968 was amended before its passing to allow only 1500 Kenyan Asian holding British passports and their families to gain entry to B ritain every year. It just happened that 1968 was the year that racism and immigration policy were put firmly in the public spotlight by the soon to be infamous speech of a single Conservative MP from the WestMidlands (Watson, 1997,p. 424). On 20 April 1968 in his home city of Birmingham the maverick yet intellectually capable Conservative front bench MP for Wolverhampton, Enoch Powell made a speech that caused race and immigration policy to go to the top of the political agenda. In his speech Powell called for the further restriction of immigration and to close the loopholes that allowed the relatives of those already settled in Britain to join their families. Powell believed that families should not be reunited and that those not already in Britain should not be allowed entry at all.The following section is the part of the speech that caused so much controversy:Those whom the gods wish to destroy, they first made mad. We must be mad, literally mad, as a nation to be permitting the annual inflow of some 50,000 dependents, who are for the most part the material of the future growth of the immigrant-descended population†¦ As I look ahead, I am filled with forboding. Like the Roman, I seem to see â€Å"the river Tib er foaming with much blood† (Comfort, 1993, p.524). The liberal minded Leader of the Opposition, Edward Heath was caught in a quandary as to whether to sack Powell from the shadow front bench or use the race issue in order to win the next general election. In the end he actually did both. Powell defended his speech saying he was warning about the harmful social consequences of too much immigration in producing racial tensions not to make those tensions worse. Heath sacked Powell from the shadow cabinet but did not expel him from the Conservative party, although Powell would have probably responded by standing as an independent candidate. Powell received over 100,000letters supporting his views and there were protests and strikes in his favour to (Comfort, 1993, p. 524). Enoch Powell found that his speech had been supported by around 75% of the British population according to opinion polls afterwards. Powell had hoped to make the Conservative party harder on immigration policy than the Labour party and that perception certainly helped Heath become Prime Minister, with anti-immigration and racist Labour voters to switch their support(Eatwell, 2003, p.337). The left wing cabinet minister Tony Benn was certainly not the only one dismayed at the Rivers of Blood speech as it gave fascists,neo-nazis and racists to protest against immigrants and it helped spread their racist propaganda. Powell had given them a great boast as immigration and race received more media coverage than usual. The uproar meant that if there were going to be further changes in British immigration policy those changes would be further restrictions to pacify and appease racism rather than liberalize policy. Benn had respected Powell’s abilities and would even work with him to stop British entry into the Common Market, however he resented Powell making the race and immigration issues â€Å"very dangerous and difficult.† Benn feared that the speech would be used to incite racial hatred and violence (Benn, 1988, p.60). For the Black and Asian communities the whole episode showed how ingrained racism and xenophobia was in British society. With public opinion on immigration so much in favour of restrictive or non existent immigration for non whites it was hardly surprising if British governments changed policy to pamper those view seven if it does show their lack of courage. It demonstrates that for most politicians it is more important to gain and hold power than it is to counter racism and discrimination (Evans, 2000, p.43). The uproar over Enoch Powell gave the Wilson government an excuse to restrict the number of Kenyan Asians allowed entry into Britain (not that it needed any). Wilson had been confident of a third election victory in June 1970. During that campaign Powell continued to raise the race issue and Heath promised to tighten up immigration policy if he was elected. Heath condemned Powell’s racism at the same time he was promising to pacify and appease racism through immigration policy. The race issue was widely seen as contributing to Heaths surprise election victory. Some commentators such as Jonathan Dimbleby even blamed TonyBenn for his denouncements of Powell (Benn, 1988, p. 294). The harsh reality of racism and the growing possibilities of restricted immigration led to the setting up of groups and organisations amongst immigrant communities to protect themselves as the government and political establishment did not. Such groups included the West IndianStanding Conference (WISC), the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination(CARD) and the Indian Workers Association of Great Britain (IWA). These groups made their views known through demonstrations, rallies and journals or their own publications like the Race Collective (Hines,1998, pp. 69-72). These groups would also receive support from white sympathizers in the Anti-Nazi League plus left wing members of the Labour party like Tony Benn or the Liberals (Ramdin, 1999, p. 246). According to the 1971 census 6 % of the British population had been born outside of the United Kingdom. Around 1.1 million were Black and Asian immigrants from the new Commonwealth representing 2.3% of the British population. A further 900,000 Black and Asian people were born in Britain and had no memories of their parents homelands. The percentage of the Black and Asian population born in Britain would increase, even as the level of immigration was restricted. These figures do not justify the hysteria and the suggestions of been swamped by immigrants that Powell and others talked about (Watson, 1997,p.423). The immigration policy of the Heath government might as well have been decided by Enoch Powell himself. The Immigration Act of 1971 redefined British citizen in a much more restricted and marrow way compared to the Nationalities Act of 1948. Instead of either having British and passports or not, several sub categories of citizenship were defined in the Act. Each category allowed a different degree of citizenship that in turn granted different rights of entry into Britain. The new system was designed in such a way that right of entry into Britain was determined almost entirely on the basis of any potential immigrants skin colour, unless of course Black and Asian immigrants had a grandfather born in Britain. This act meant that countless numbers of whites in the old Commonwealth could immigrate to Britain if they wanted to. However those Black and Asian that had obtained British passports before their countries gained independence found those British passports to be completely worthless. Enoch Powellheartily endorsed the 1971 Immigration Act, as it seemed the ultimate example of changing immigration policy to pacify and appease racism(Goldbourne, 1998, p.53). Powell did not stay happy with the Conservative leadership after Heath took Britain into the EuropeanUnion. In both elections of 1974 he urged Conservative voters to vote Labour as he believed a Labour g overnment would take Britain out of it.Perhaps much to the relief of Heath, Powell became an Ulster UnionistMP in 1974. Powell would have more in common with Heath’s successor, Margaret Thatcher in terms of immigration policy (Gardiner Wenborn, 1995, p. 613). This section of the dissertation will be shorter than the previous one.That is because there are fewer plausible arguments against the case that British immigration policy was changed to pacify or appease racism in British society. There were however justifications or compensations for the changes in immigration policy mainly relating to the alleged benefits and advantages of pacifying but not appeasing racism in British society. British governments could claim that its main responsibilities are for and to the people that live in Britain already whatever their race and ethnicity. Governments could argue that there were pragmatic, social and economic reasons for restricting non white immigration that was not adopted to pacify or appease racism in British society even if that was its unintended consequences. For instance British governments could argue that the deteriorating economic position of Britain meant that there were fewer jobs for Black and Asian to come to Britain to fill. Th erefore it would not be fair to allow them entry to stay on social security benefits for most of their working lives. The Heath government was committed to making the British economy more effective yet its plans came unstuck due to widespread industrial unrest and the oil crisis of 1973. The Wilson and Callaghan governments faced ever worsening economic conditions that forced Labour to abandon the post-war policy of working towards full employment. The harsher economic and social policies later known as Thatcherism made things even harder for Blacks and Asians that were already deprived and discriminated against (Black, 2000, pp. 212-15). Despite the tight restrictions on non-white immigration introduced by the Immigration Act of 1971 Heath would prove capable of revising the policy because of the crisis in Uganda. Idi Amin the Ugandan dictator following the example of the Kenyans had expelled all of the Ugandan Asians. Heath let some of the Ugandan Asians in to Britain(Eatwell, 2003,p.337). Heath tried to persuade as many countries as possible to give the Ugandan Asians refuge so his government did not have to (Watson 1997, p. 424). Pacifying racism in British society might not have been such a bad thing if it meant that the majority of Black and Asian people could lead their lives free from violence if not from discrimination. Arguably restricting non white immigration meant that Britain did not experience any race riots from Notting Hill in 1958 to the riots of1981. The Labour governments of 1964-70 and 1974-79 could justify continued immigration policy restrictions by claiming that Labour governments were the most beneficial governments for Black and Asian people and communities in Britain in terms of social and economic policies. Their case would be based on the fact that Labour was the party most determined to counter discrimination and tackle racism for those non whites already here for the cost of restricting further nonwhite immigration. Labour was committed to improving public services and reducing poverty that would certainly help the majority of Black and Asian people that lived in more deprived areas . It was the Labour party that passed the three Race Relations Acts of 1965, 1968 and1976. These acts showed that the Labour governments would not appease or condone racism in domestic policy and showed their intent to lessen discrimination within British society (Black, 2000, p. 123). SometimesBritish public opinion has encouraged governments to allow immigrants when there has been a crisis or disaster. In the mid 1970s for instance Britain took some of the Vietnamese refugees often referred to as boat people (Evans, 2000, p.43). The immigration of Black and Asian people into Britain had a noticeable impact on British society leading to the phenomena of multiculturalism. These people brought in their own cultures, religions and perhaps to a lesser extent literature. Asians in particular could point out past academic and literal achievements(Ramdin, 1999, p.70). The issues of racism and immigration would lead to the production of large volumes of literature and writings both in justification, explanation or refutation of racism and immigration restrictions. Nobody could argue that Enoch Powell was academically backward and on the verge of illiteracy. In fact that is why he had such an impact on the immigration and race issues. He was not an ill-educated skinhead or violent Teddy boy but a former professor of classics and cabinet minister capable of rational arguments. In just one speech he had a much greater impact on immigration policy than any number of race riots or odious racial assaults (Comfort, 1993, 52 4).Even the fascist and neo-fascist organisations have produced literature to promote their views, it might not be up to Noble prize winning standards but it certainly has convinced enough people to support them. Oswald Mosley himself had been a prolific if not always coherent writer. The eventual leader of the National Front, JohnTyndall although more accustomed to inciting skinheads put forward his views in Six Principles of Nationalism published in 1966 (Eatwell,2003, p. 335). The effect that the tabloid newspapers and the more respectable right wing broad sheets can have on the issues of race and immigration cannot be ignored. When the newspapers are spreading fear and rumours of further immigration it is hardly conducive for British governments to reverse immigration controls on non-whites. For instance the reluctance of the Wilson and Heath governments to allow the Kenyan and Ugandan Asians into Britain (Watson, 1997, pp. 424-25). For the West Indians, Africans and the better educated Asians their education had largely been based on the English education system, hence the respect that many of them held Britain prior to immigration. In theWest Indies, English was the spoken language, whilst in the former colonies of Asia and Africa, English was the common language of the administrators and the social, economic and political elites.Therefore many Black people were literate if not better educated than their white counterparts. Discrimination and the desire to restrict immigration resulted from the abilities of immigrants

Thursday, September 19, 2019

Willingness of US to go to war :: essays research papers

What I am going to talk about tonight affects all of us. Not just us sitting in this classroom, but it affects everyone on this world. Whether you’re in the U.N. or live in North Korea. America†¦ and their willingness to go to war, for the preservation of their economy and their security. Now, this talk is not anti-American, I have American relatives and I don’t hate them. But what I do hate is this free world democracy spiel which the government are always belching out about. How is America a free democracy with free pres when the country’s inhabitants are so Ill-informed about the rest of the world! The media vilifies the Arab states e.g. Iran, Iraq, Syria even when it was America who installed the dictatorships in the first place for fear of single Islamic entity forming, and they support Israel who are in the process of genocide against Palestinians. The media scares people into thinking that they could be attacked at any moment – even people in rural areas with no landmarks of significance are quaking in their boots for fear of the bearded turban wearing Islamist blowing up their Wal-mart or something! The average American is so scared and ill-informed that they even voted George W. Bush into power for a second term even though there is sufficient evidence to prove that his first victory was fixed. Disenfranchised African Americans, people without criminal records, honest, hard working people were denied their vote. Is this racism The Bush Administration has perfected the art of the fear and consumption tactic. Americans, for fear of their lives from the evil Arab, or the manic ethnic minority (as influenced by shows like cops and world’s scariest police chases) will arm themselves to the teeth and even join the army to fight overseas for what they are brainwashed to believe is liberation. Iraq – Saddam was indeed a brutal dictator, but bombarding a densely populated area with missiles is not the way to remove a man from power. What kill the victims and the killer will follow? Weapons of mass destruction – If there were any at all, wouldn’t you have thought the US would have been able to track them down anyway? I mean where else would Iraq get WMD’s from? Iran? The same Iran they were in a million plus casualty war with in the 80’s? America is the world’s largest economy, generates  ¾ of the world’s turnover, produces the most weapons of mass destruction and has the biggest army in the world.